Wednesday, 18 December 2013

Is Uganda ready for the population challenge? 
In 1948, 25 Ugandans shared a square kilometre of land on average. That number has been rising steadily, to 48 in 1969, 85 in 1991 and 124 in 2002.
The upcoming census will provide a more accurate picture, but going by the current projections, which show that Uganda has 35.4m people, the average population per square kilometre of land stands at 150.
The rising population density – having increasingly more people per square kilometre of land – has serious implications for the ability of the population to sustain itself, especially since a big majority still relies on tilling the land using the hand hoe.
The State of Uganda’s Population Report 2013, released last week by the Population Secretariat, shows that an overwhelming majority of Ugandans – 88 percent – still live in rural areas, many of them facing abject poverty, poor service delivery, poor infrastructure, and famine in some areas.
The report adds that if the population continues to grow at the current rate – with the less educated or uneducated women having an average of seven children and elites having almost four – Uganda will have 65 mouths to feed by 2020, and the majority of these will still live in rural areas.
Demographic bonus or burden?
The key concern then is whether Uganda’s transformation efforts will be helped by the fast growing population.
There is a view that has been gaining currency that a large population can catalyse, rather than impede, economic growth and transformation.
Two examples usually cited in this regard are China and India, which some say have grown rapidly in recent years because of the pressure from their huge populations to improve the economies and provide what the people demand.
Conversely, some argue that Africa was slow to transform into a developed society because it was sparsely populated, meaning that its people were not always challenged to compete with one another since the resources at their disposal were relatively more abundantly available compared to other continents.
President Museveni is one of the proponents of this view, which he pushed in one of the speeches he made in the late 1980s, compiled in his book, What Is Africa’s Problem. He still maintains this view.
Another ardent supporter of this line is Hajj Abdul Nadduli, the ruling party vice chairman for Buganda region and Luweero District chairperson, who years back offered to donate a heifer to every family in Luweero into which twins were born.
Often, Mr Museveni and bureaucrats in his government have spoken at cross purposes as regards the matter of population growth, with the technical people saying that rapid population growth is likely to present serious challenges.
Prof. Kazenga Tibenderana, a retired Makerere University academic who now works at Kampala International University, moves to demonstrate the challenges of rapid population growth rates in poor countries like Uganda:
“With population growth rates in poor countries more than double what it is in developed countries, poor countries’ economies must grow more than twice as fast as those of the rich countries just to keep from falling farther behind.”
But, of course, Uganda does not just want to retain its current position vis-a-vis the developed countries; it wants to catch up, and if possible, surpass them. And population growth could either be a springboard or a deal breaker.
“Uganda will, sooner than later, enter a demographic window of opportunity often called the demographic gift or demographic bonus,” the Population Report says in part, “Such an era occurs when a population witnesses a combination of factors like a declining fertility and mortality.”
If less people are born and less die, the population growth will still remain high. In the case of a young population like Uganda’s, it would not make much of a difference in the short and medium term, because the young people will have to reproduce when they reach child-bearing years.
As a result, the report says: “The revised Population Policy indicates that even if fertility rates were to drop drastically to replacement levels of around 2 children per woman, the population of Uganda will still continue to grow by at least 2 per cent for the next 50 years or so.”
The report goes on about the “demographic window of opportunity”:  “An increased labour force leads to a reduced dependency ratio. If such a labour force is healthy, educated, skilled and with increased employment opportunities, it will save, invest and spur economic growth of a nation. This is the demographic gift.”
But then comes the caveat: “This window of opportunity, if not planned for, can end up resulting into a demographic burden.”
So what options are available?
The above caveat, particularly the need for planning for the growing population, seems even more pertinent given one important statistic in the population report.
Uganda has the youngest population in the world, with 78 percent of its people below the age of 30 and 52 percent below 15 years. The report further reaffirms a World Bank finding that “at least 83 percent of the youth have no formal employment.”
The lack of jobs is attributed to the slow rate of economic growth, the small labour market, high population growth rate, the rigid and largely theoretical education system, rural-urban migration and limited access to capital.

As a result, many of the younger people earn their livelihood from odd jobs like bodaboda riding, brick laying, petty trade, vending, and casual labour.
These activities, according to Mr Anold Musoke, a researcher into population issues, cannot usher Uganda into the “demographic bonus”. What is needed, he says, is for the country to develop “ground-breaking” technology to address the situation.
Mr Musoke says that Uganda, for example, is ill-prepared to produce the food needed to sustain the population.
 “What you find in many villages is that the youth have left agriculture to be employed in the informal sector, like riding bodaboda, leaving the women, the elderly and children to grow the food,” Mr Musoke says.
These people, Mr Musoke adds, cannot grow enough food to sustain themselves and spare some for the market, meaning that many households have no sustainable sources of income.
“An intervention in agricultural technology is long overdue,” Mr Musoke says, “to produce an affordable technology that will enable the people to till the land and stop using human power.”
Mr Musoke says that the rate of growth of food production can “at best only match” the rate of growth of population growth, “meaning that there is no net improvement over the years.”
Mr Musoke adds that lack of improvements in formal employment and industrial technology has meant that most people have been locked in agriculture and other extractive activities like fishing, partly explaining the rising tensions over land.
‘Government needs to come up with a programme for including the youth in mainstream development programmes to reduce the growing dependency syndrome,” the report notes in part.
Numbers:
34,000,000 – estimated number of Ugandans
84% - people living in rural areas
78% - Ugandans below age 30
50.1% - female Ugandans
Source: State of Uganda Population Report 2013



Countries agree on joint regional petroleum refining
Kampala. 14 East African nations have agreed to work out and support regional frameworks for refining petroleum.
The agreement was reached by representatives of Comoros, Burundi, Madagascar, Rwanda, Eritrea, Djibouti, Seychelles, Ethiopia, Somalia, Tanzania, Kenya, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Uganda.
The countries jointly agreed to commit themselves to an East African oil project, to substitute the individual oil refineries that each (oil) producing member in the region had outlined.
The motion fronted by Stephen Dhieu Dau, the minister of petroleum of mining, South Sudan was adopted as one of the recommendations of the 17th meeting of Intergovernmental Committee of Experts that ended last week in Kampala.
“This project will largely depend on individual political heads (and their commitment) but it’s in our best interest, then possibly we can look at further integration,” he said.
Mr Dau noted that, once implemented, the joint refinery would strengthen cooperation and enhance simultaneous development of the oil sectors in the region; amongst oil rich states like Uganda, Sudan, Kenya, DRC, and others.
He maintained that, just as for the case of Uganda and Kenya, Oil in South Sudan was to start flowing once individual countries establish priorities as such infrastructures, markets, among others, which if there existed a mutual understanding on one refinery could be sped up.
Uganda with oil volumes of 3.5 billion barrels is finalizing plans for a refinery for 60,000 barrels per day by 2015. Sudan is in its advanced stages to construct an own refinery for 10,000 barrels per day, while Kenya, following its latest oil discoveries, is planning to upgrade the old ones.
In unison the countries adopted the refinery framework which includes plans to institute and stock strategic reserves of petroleum to lower the economic costs of energy disruptions while developing partnerships for a regional procurement framework.
Maria Kiwanuka, minister of finance, planning and economic development welcomed the strategy, which she said Uganda was interested and once established, would be a stepping stone to economic integration in the region.
“Uganda welcomes the idea and is ready for such integration. We are about to revise over 54 national laws that will work across the region once approved by the regional parliament and the secretariat,” Ms Kiwanuka informed.



Army rigged 2006 elections for Museveni-Gen Sejusa
Renegade spymaster, Gen David Sejusa, has confessed that he and other army officers engineered the 2006 presidential election results in favour of the incumbent President Museveni.
 The former army MP and coordinator of intelligence agencies who is believed to be living in UK revealed on Saturday said, Dr. Kizza Besigye won the February 23 vote with (maybe) 69 percent margin but army officers were involved in stealing the election so the incumbent could remain in power.
 “We organised another electoral commission of intelligence at Basiima House and it is our results that we pushed through to the [official] electoral commission. How can you win in that type of situation?”
Speaking at the launch of a new opposition political party “Freedom and Unity Front” at the London School of Economics, Gen Sejusa added, “We need to look afresh at this whole experience of elections.”
The four-star general who fled the country early this year after authoring a letter alleging plot to assassinate top political and military leaders opposed a plan by President Museveni to groom his son Brig Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who commands the elite Special Forces, as his successor, noted: “I must say it all now because [I] am a new man. [Yes we did it].”
 Electoral Commission spokesperson, Jotham Taremwa when contacted called Sejusa’ claims “nonsense.”
“Voting is a public programme that goes through several processes managed by an independent body, so how then does he claim they were in charge,” Mr Talemwa noted, “Let him leave us outside his politics.”
President Museveni was declared winner with 59 percent, Besigye 37 percent, DP’ Ssebana Kizito with 1.58 percent and UPC’ Miria Obote and Independent Abed Bwanika each scored below 1 percent.
“Anytime an African incumbent president is declared the winner by a 50% margin then you know "he’s lost," Gen. Sejusa noted, in reference to President Museveni’ margin.
President Museveni in early October dared Gen Sejusa to go ahead and try using force to overthrow government and the army has also since maintained he will face prosecution for his misdeeds.
Sejusa a spoiler
The executive director of government’ communication clearing house Media Centre, Ofwono Opondo referred to Gen Sejusa as a “spoiler.”
 “I don’t want to comment on anything related to Sejusa. He is riffraff trying to seek relevance,” Mr. Opondo remarked by telephone.
Dr Besigye, a three times presidential election runner-up and former head of the largest opposition party, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), disputed the 2006 electoral results and went to the Supreme Court seeking the nullification of the polls.
He contended the electoral process was marred by irregularities, voter intimidation and rigging, and an unverifiable voter’s register. It was also the second time Besigye challenged results after 2001.
The bench comprising of judges; (late) Joseph Mulenga, Alfred Karokora, (late) Arthur Oder, George Kanyeihamba, Wilson Tsekooko, Bart Katureebe and ‘former’ Chief Justice Benjamin Odoki, after several days of submissions characterised by tension concluded there had been non-compliance with the provisions of the Constitution, Electoral Commission’s Act and Presidential Elections Act in the conduct of the election which disenfranchised the voters.
The judges in a majority decision of 4:3 also concurred that “In counting and tallying of results, the principle of free and fair elections was compromised by bribery and intimidation or violence,” but, “the failure to comply with the provisions and principles as found was not proved to have affected the results in a substantial manner.”
Side bar

In the April 6 2006 summary verdict Justice Odoki did not give detailed reasons for Court’ ruling but Justice Kanyeihamba, revealed later that at a pre-judgment conference of the justices on April 5, 2006 the verdict on consensus was different from what was later delivered the next that day, and his colleagues erred in upholding President’ Museveni’ election even when they conceded that there were massive electoral irregularities.

Monday, 9 December 2013

Umeme laughs last as Parliament tones down voice to cancel its contract
  KAMPALA: Whereas majority Ugandans have grown weary of Umeme’ performance ten years since it was “controversially” awarded contract, recent debate to cancel its contract yielded a sigh of relief until government made it clear last week the company is going nowhere.
 Debate on the UK Company’ fate on Parliament’ Order Paper for two weeks now has been recurrently deferred or skipped and it as now emerged that several MPs each allegedly pocketed a Shs5 million kickback to back off this discussion.
The bribery claims, the government chief whip Kasule Lumumba is investigating but Umeme in all circumstances with its contract expiring in 2025 will have the last smile.
 The Parliamentary debate was prompted by findings of the Ad hoc Committee on Energy (ACE) which was sanctioned by the Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga in 2011 to investigate the nationwide electricity crises, several a making of Umeme.
 The ACE 159 paged report in conclusion recommended cancellation of the contract citing among others, the questionable manner in which contract was awarded, Umeme’ monopoly and concerns over the high electricity tariffs amidst poor service delivery and a faulty billing system.
 On the proposed day MPs were supposed to pass a vote of no confidence in Umeme, Ms Kadaga deferred the motion to the next day citing the lack of quorum and that was the last of it. Days following, topic has been on the Order Paper but among the last issues to be discussed and hence the continued postponement.
 Yet sympathizers (including bueauracrats) have maintained that rather than terminating government should instead review the concession and embark on yearly evaluation of the company’ performance to stimulate its efficiency, last week 15 MPs implored government to terminate it as soon as possible.
 The unsavory details
The government team led by Mr David Ssebabu, now director of Privatisation Unit in the Finance ministry in a reportedly all-expense paid trip (by Umeme) to the US capital Washington sealed some irreconcilable clauses in the concession which makes it likely unbreakable at the moment.
 Against this Mr Peter Nyombi, the Attorney General opined that because of such clauses premature cancellation of the agreement implies paying Umeme Shs371 billion [buyout amount], payable within 91 days or else attract additional 20 percent per annum money which is unavailable.
 Mr Ssebalu in the ACE report admitted their technical incompetence and lack of experience during the three years’ negotiations but also feigned ignorance of the terms and conditions of the agreements they signed.”
 The Energy Minister, Irene Muloni in a November 25 brief prepared for the NRM caucus said: “The Executive does not concur with this recommendation [to terminate].”
 She noted, “Instead, the Attorney General should study the agreements signed to establish irregularities, possibilities of violations and provisions for termination and advice the government accordingly.
 Ceteris paribus, Umeme Limited will in 2025 hand over the national electricity distribution network to the Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Ltd (UEDCL) but still Uganda would have to pay the company 106 per cent it spent on modifications to the network but would not have recovered through electricity tariffs.
 This is also provided for in the Support Agreement between Uganda and Umeme.
 Ibanda district Woman Representative, Margaret Kiboijana, referred to this situation as a ransom like
 “In case government initiates termination of the concession, the government will have to pay Umeme. Even when the concession comes to its natural end, the government will still have to pay Umeme. Either way, Uganda will lose. I support the termination.”
 The ACE also discovered that Umeme Limited was not in existence at the time of bidding and negotiation, and the company (Umeme) which finally signed the concession agreements is not the one that bidded.
 “The Umeme Limited that signed the concession agreements was formed eleven (11) days before the signing of agreements.  This means the negotiations for the power distribution concession agreements which normally take some months were prejudiced since ESKOM Enterprises was negotiating with itself through Paul Mare’ and that UMEME Limited was formed after negotiations were complete,” the report reads in part.
 Eskom (Pty) is a South African company which was already operating electricity generation at Nalubaale hydro power dam while Mr Paul Mare is also a South African national who had done assessments in unbundling of the Uganda Electricity Board (UEB), and worked for the former.
 A total of six companies took place in the bidding process but, “only a seemingly unregistered consortium of CDC Capital Partners and Eskom was accepted by government.
 This consortium never appeared anywhere thereafter but rather a new company in form of Umeme Ltd was incorporated on 6th May, 2004 with the principle objective of signing an agreement with government and subsequently took over management of the Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) in 2005.
 Ms Muloni, then managing director of UETCL and penned signatures on behalf of government however said: “this does not matter right now.”
 The then Attorney General did not draft or advise on the agreements rather transaction advisors were hired for the job to the distaste of Uganda.
 The Monopoly power
In a December 3 correspondence, Ms Muloni noted that termination of the concession would affect the distribution of electricity since Umeme controls 97 per cent of the market.
 One of the key objectives of unbundling the Uganda Electricity Board (UEB) was to remove monopolistic structures and thereby create market conditions that would open up for competition and provision of quality services for customers.
 The unbundling gave rise to the enactment of the new electricity Act of 1999, and the birth of Uganda Electricity Generation Company Limited (UEGCL), Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL) and Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL).
 However, to-date monopolistic structures largely exist in distribution as a result of agreement struck by Umeme and government and observers point to this the origin of increased power problems in the country.
 Umeme’ head of communications, Henry Rugamba however stressed that monopoly was mitigated by the company opting for listing on the stock exchange to allow Ugandans own shares in it, while raising substantial monies to settle debts, finance investments and also ensure accountability to its customers.
 “Umeme is now owned by Ugandans so whatever happens affects us as one.”
 Ms Muloni though acknowledged the need to break this monopoly insisted, “It does not mean the termination of the Umeme concession.”
 The report implored government to open up distribution segment to other players to “bring about competition and the resultant efficiency and lowering of end-user tariffs” which Ms Muloni said is also for consideration.
 The company floated 622, 378,000 shares which constitutes 38.6% of the company’s issued share capital upon listing with a view of raising at least ShsShs171billion to pay off debts and use the other part of harvests to invest in distribution, which is another stumbling block to cancelling the agreement.
 Mr Wafula Oguttu, the MP of Bukooli Central, says inasmuch as he supports the termination of the concession, the company would be constrained in compensating Ugandans who bought shares during its initial public offer in November 2012.
 “Umeme is now partly owned by Ugandans. When we terminate this concession, Umeme will have no money to pay our people because Umeme has no assets in the country.”
 Exaggerated ‘recoverable’ investment costs
Umeme’s says it has invested at least $180 million (Shs468.6 billion at today’s exchange rate) in the distribution network over the last eight years.
 But MPs scorned this figure saying it’s inflated with a view of leveraging high compensation incase their contract is terminated.
 Mr Jacob Oboth-Oboth, the chairperson of the ACE, says were Umeme to have invested more, it would show through efficiencies.
 “If Umeme had invested as much money as it claims to have the technical losses would be low. End-user tariffs would equally be low,” he says, “Power outages still continue eight years since Umeme took over the network.”
 But Mr Rugamba maintained: “In March 2012 we had our first performance review with the Electricity Regulatory Authority and they confirmed all targets set in 2005 were met and exceeded.”
 He added, among others the company as of 2012 has connected at “least 55,690” to the national grid also cut energy losses from “38 percent to 28 percent”.
 According to the agreement, in case Uganda initiates the termination before the 13th year, it would have to pay Umeme 120 per cent of the total investment amount which wouldn’t have recovered yet through end-user tariffs.
 After the 13th year, the buyout reduces by two percentage points annually.
 Between 2005 and 2011, Umeme had remitted Shs129.7 billion to the government as corporation, pay as you earn, value added and withholding taxes.
 Jitters over Umeme’ performance 
Notwithstanding why it government is unlikely to terminate contract, the company has come under fire for failing to live up to its contractual obligations and focused on only making money through every means.
 Mr Dickens Kamugisa, of Africa Institute for Energy Governance [Afiego] said, “the issue of terminating Umeme’ contract has become a song of sorts which has been sang over the years but will never be launched.”
 He said the company has failed to increase electricity access, reaps heavily from inflating customer electricity bills, among others, this all as government looks on
  “We seem stuck between their contract and poor services but the powerful people who signed those useless clauses are still cashing-in, that is why cancellation is unlikely.”
 Similarly, the report faults the company for failing to continuously inflating power losses which are recoverable in the contract.
 “Uganda continues to post the highest distribution power loss levels in the region and one of the highest in the world standing at 28 percent by 2011, it notes.
 But as of 2013 Umeme put these losses at 27 percent but for each percentage point of power loss, Shs10 billion ($4 million) is lost annually which the company attributes to illegal connections, meter bypasses and collusions between customers and its staff, the weak laws and insufficient investments in the network.
  Sidebar
According to the Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) Asset Verification report (September 2013), since 2005, Umeme has added Shs401.4 billion to the network.
 And of the 93.9 billion Umeme said it had invested in the network in 2012 alone, Shs45.7 billion “was disallowed” [by UEDCL].
 “The fact that they [UEDCL] reject something does not presuppose these guys [Umeme] are trying to do this [exaggerate their investment].”
 Mr Rugamba blamed electricity woes on the 1960’ power infrastructures and problems won’t go away its phased out.
 On the spot: Documents seen by this newspaper indicate that when UEDCL concessioned the distribution network to Umeme, the power losses were at 28 per cent not 38 per cent.
 So since 2005 to date, Umeme has reduced them from 28 per cent to 23.7 per cent. However the target set by as 21 per cent by 2013.
  But over the same period it invoiced the government Shs878.7 billion in rebates.
  Mr Rugamba also denied ever bribing any MP.











Sunday, 8 December 2013

Gov’t looks on as Kyambogo University continues to sink in corruption and power struggles
Kampala:  The architects of the merger of three institutions to form Kyambogo University in 2003 could not have anticipated the chaos that is currently bedeviling the institution.
 For almost two years now, the institution continues to make headlines; with students and lecturer’ strikes, protracted legal battles, interdictions, arrests of officials and yet this is all just a tip off the iceberg.
 So much is amiss that belligerent events continue to unfold as government looks on, indolently hinting on a solution in the offing while other authorities like Police, Auditor General, and Inspector General of Government (IGG), tasked last year by Parliament to keenly scrutinise the problems of Kyambogo, are yet to produce as single report.
 A report released in 2007 by the IGG following the first major strike that led to a temporary closure of institution was simply shelved, and recommendations to Parliament provided therein to take action were ignored which now casts more doubt on the upcoming reports.
 What went wrong?
Ms Jessica Alupo, the minister of education and sports, thinks the process of merging these institutions “was never streamlined at all.”
 The institutions: Uganda Polytechnic Kyambogo (UPK), the Institute of Teacher Education Kyambogo (ITEK) and the Uganda National Institute of Special Education (UNISE), all located on Kyambogo hill were brought under one roof, a move that sought to create a third public university but was the start of problems.
 They were established: UPK in in 1928, ITEK in 1945, UNISE in 1988.
 UPK started as a small technical school on Makerere hill and was transferred to Kyambogo hill in 1958 as Kampala Technical Institute, before it was renamed Uganda Technical College and finally UPK.
 ITEK started as a government Teacher Training College in 1945 at Nyakasura, in Fort Portal, and was transferred to Ruharo and then Ntare hill, all in Mbarara town, before being transformed into a National Teachers' College and later ITEK in 1989.
 Academically, ITEK was affiliated to Makerere University and was already offering the Bachelor of Education degree on mature entry and in terms of infrastructure had the best buildings.

On the other hand UNISE started as a Department of Special Education at ITEK in 1988, and later became an autonomous institution by an Act of Parliament in 1998.
 The Education Minister then, Prof. Khiddu Makubuya, issued a statutory instrument on July 18, 2003, forming the university, in accordance with the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act of 2001 and the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions' (Establishment of Kyambogo University) instruments of 2003.
 Although this establishment had been conceived as far back as 1999, implementation was met by resistance from UNISE, which enjoyed privileges like funding from donor agencies like DANIDA, NORAD, among others.
 ITEK on the other hand boasted of the best physical structures which gave them an upper hand to house the headquarters of the university, including the Vice Chancellor’ seat.
 Ideally, the three institutions were at different stages of development, had different administrative settings, ambitions, staffing; which were all ‘hastily’ weaved together.

 “The semi-autonomy of the three was underscored,” Ms Alupo acknowledged.
It took the task force led by Prof. Albert Lutaalo Bbosa; from ITEK three years to convince UNISE join the university propositions.
 The task force focused only on the merger but not a road map, including guidelines nor the necessary ‘structures’ that would aid the institution throughout its germination.
 “No clear guidelines spelling out a coalescing administration were put in place,” said one academic staff, Paul Isiko.
 For example, in ITEK one required a Master’s degree to qualify as a lecturer while in UPK and UNISE senior lecturers needed only Bachelor’s degrees.
 “While combined it meant some lecturers were more qualified than the others for the same job at different payments, Isiko added. “The entire process of merging was not given time to evolve.”
 The merger was also commanded by ITEK, which boasted of highly qualified staff and took first all the ‘juicy positions’ which bred unparalleled sentiments at the onset.

“Other institutions, though silently felt isolated with a likely hyperbole for separation,” Mr Isiko said.
 Chaos, intrigue and greed set in
Paul Okwir, a former administrator at the University, however pours cold water on repeated assertions that the ill-equipped merger is to blame for the crises dogging Kyambogo.
 “The problems there are more of self-centered. Who is eating what, and with whom,” Mr Okwir, acknowledged, “People who have been there since the merger have mastered their art of greed and whoever threatens this scheme becomes an enemy.”
 He adds that, “well” it is still comprehensible that strong institutional frameworks were not drawn while conceiving the merger, “but management has over the years addressed these institutional issues.”
 “To my knowledge, there is a lot of staff redundancy, duplication of roles and underpayment of staff, which has resulted into greed, and fighting personal wars.”
 In 2005 the Vice Chancellor Prof. Lutaalo undertook to harmonise the entire salary, remuneration and employment systems, but still traces of staff from ITEK remained visible as the most qualified and most paid.

The staff eventually called for the sacking of the VC in 2006 only to be opposed the Education Minister; Namirembe Bitamazire saying the manner they wanted him out was illegal.
 In 2007 the staff went on strike accusing Prof. Lutaalo (the only professor at the time) of incompetence due to old age, nepotism and maladministration, leading to closure for a few months.
 Prof. Lutaalo was eventually sacked along with the Bursar Mr David Biganja and the university secretary Ms Gorreti Katushabe, and a committee known as ‘Validation Committee; constituted to look into the staff grievances like salaries, promotions and integration of staff.
 The State minister of Higher Education, Mr Gabriel Opio, called for investigations by the Inspectorate of Government into the situation, but the report was eventually shelved after sanity returned.
 Dr. Mpande Basiima, a former principal at UPK and Deputy Vice Chancellor in charge of Finance and administration, was then chosen acting Vice Chancellor in 2008, but was later thrown out following controversies on salary payments and distribution, staff integrations, which was following the Auditor General’s report on monies meant for salaries that President Museveni had given to the university.
 The exit of Dr. Mpande left Dr. (now Prof.) John Opuda-Asibo, the Deputy Vice Chancellor in charge of academics as the acting Vice chancellor while the position was being advertised.
 “Dr. OPuda equally wanted the job he was acting in but the search for a substantive VC was taking place,” one staff member recalls. “No wonder he was instrumental in causing later chaos, and fighting Ndiege but unluckily he could also not get the job.”
 Need for an outsider
In face of the status quo, essentially administrative, academic, and infrastructural wrangles, management sought a ‘messiah’ who could unite them again, iron out their differences and work for the furtherance of the Institution.
 By all means the messiah had to be someone from the outside, unknown to the history and problems of the institution.
 Eventually in January 2009 a 50 year old year old Kenyan national, Prof. Omolo Isaiah Ndiege was appointed as the new Vice Chancellor. He had been an associate professor of organic chemistry at the University of Nairobi until 2007, and a visiting professor at the departments of Chemistry and Pharmacology at Gulu and Makerere universities respectively up to 2008.
 The fall out with the Ndiege
By 2011 Prof. Ndiege was sitting in a ‘hot seat’ facing opposition from majorly the staff, who were accusing him of being a dictator.
 But insiders say, Prof. Ndiege found camps in administration which he was tasked to man.
 “This was supposed to be done without compromising, favouring or annoying either camps, but such middle road is hard to take,” one administrator who requested not to be named, narrated. “Incidentally things fell out of his hand when he got aligned to one side in trying to right a few wrongs of another, and worst of all tightening bolts on all loose ends where monies were being grossly siphoned.”
 “We really appreciate Ndiege for his few achievements but at this time, he must go,” said Jackson Betihamah, chairman of Kyambogo University Senior Administrative Staff Association (Kyuasa).
 “He failed to put into context the problems affecting staff members and he will never change even if we gave him a chance.”
But Prof. Ndiege indicates that campaigns to kick him out started in the first month of his tenure.
 “I don’t know what the staff problem is, but all I know is that my methods and plans were for the good of Kyambogo.”
 Subsequently the campaigns hit fever pitch in 2012 after the lecturers under their respective associations, Kyambogo University Academic Staff Association (Kyuasa), National Union of Educational Institutions (NUEI) and NUEI, lay down tools and called for his suspension.
 They among others accused him of running down the institution through a domineering leadership style complemented by intimidations and bullying; that could not be sustained any longer.
 Gripped by panic the university council (the top decision making body), constituted a seven member ad hoc committee to investigate the claims and offer recommendations.
  The committee’s report led by Engineer Frank Ssebowa exonerated Prof. Ndiege on a list of accusations but faulted him on lacking inter-personal skills that included poor work methods, witch-hunting some staff and poor handling of top management.
 The report further recommended a three months’ amnesty to Mr Ndiege to change his ways; which the staff refused to comprehend saying he would ‘harass’ them more and thus resumed the strike, which led to the closure of the university for a month.
 The university council voted in October that Prof. Ndiege be sent on forced leave in ‘Public Interest along with 11 other senior officials accused of abetting mismanagement, but the later were later secretly bounced back in office.
 A Parliamentary Committee on Education and Sports investigating the outrages at Kyambogo produced a report; which similarly cleared the embattled Ndiege on some wrong doings and agreed that, “some of the problems attributed to him were beyond a one man’s making.”
 The only hope currently lies in the IGG, Justice Irene Mulyagonja’ report which is expected to specifically pin officials behind the curtains of corruption, power struggles, and intrigue.
 Prof. Ndiege’ return in office from the suspension has triggered off another confrontational strike as the staff determinedly want him fired or “will never return to offer services.”
 Students are have been left stranded, pondering what is the next step as November 25 as been set as the examination date.
Side bar
Insiders also point to rising disparity of student numbers, and lecturers yet the facilities are limited. For example, between 2001/2002, students were 4,534, in 2008/09, they were 14,000 and in 2010/11, they were 24,174, and now are estimated at 30,000.

Aside the organizational wrangles; some staff believe there are external pressure forces at play, especially during Ndiege’s tenure where Education ministry officials involved in the parceling and theft of the vast university played and are pushing the staff to boot him out.
 Justice Mulyagonja, in an interview on the progress of the ongoing investigations at Kyambogo said, “ the cases being handled are over 40, ranging from procurement dirt, nepotism, fraud, illicit land transactions, mismanagement,” among others.
 Asked once about Kyambogo’s problems, Kampala Police Metropolitan boss, Felix Kaweesi, suggested, “a complete overhaul of the entire system and bring in new people”
 Ms Alupo said, “government is aware of all these crises and is mulling a collegiate system for Kyambogo once the IGG concludes her probe and provides recommendations.”
 The colleges system is expected to minimize the current highly uncoordinated, overloaded and duplicated structures.
 The IGG’s report on mismanagement is expected towards the end of this month and will be presented to Parliament to take final decision.






 Report pins Museveni on abetting Corruption; Is he really to blame?
KAMPALA:  A rights body in early October targeted a salvo at President Museveni, literally placing all culpability for the high-level corruption that has ravaged the country over the past two decades at his doorstep. 
Mr Museveni, who will mark 28 years in power in January, has headed a government that has been beset by an integer of corruption scandals. A plethora of statutory anti-corruption bodies have been set up as a result, and a number of high level investigations have been conducted.
But Human Rights Watch (HRW), in partnership with International Human Rights Clinic of Yale Law School in America, note that neither of those moves has led to a senior regime official serving a jail term or suffering any serious punishment.
In the report they released on Monday, titled “Letting the big fish swim: Failures to prosecute high-level corruption in Uganda,” the bodies fault Mr Museveni’s approach.
“The President’s public rhetoric regarding rooting out corruption is frequently belied by his public statements on specific cases,” the report says in part.
Whenever Mr Museveni made comments on pending corruption cases, the report says, they “were often seen as tacit signals to witnesses, prosecutors and in some cases, judges.”
The report draws heavily on earlier reports about corruption in the country, and specifically where the President has undermined prosecutions or the potential for successful convictions of members of inner circle or senior bureaucrats in government.
Quoting the Uganda Debt Network’s “Corruption Dossier”, for instance, when then Security Minister, and current Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi (also the NRM secretary general) was implicated in the dishonest sale of land to the National Social Security Fund (NSSF)-the workers’ pension fund.
The report adds that, President Museveni was quoted in the media about the case saying of Mr Mbabazi, also a bush war hero and childhood friend, “I will not run away from old friends.”
The list of cases alluded to is endless but notably, the Shs500 billion Chogm case where the President said, former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya (the only one implicated) has no case to answer, and the Shs1.6 billion Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) fund case where only former Health minister Mike Mukula was brought to justice.
The said corruption is in the form of "nepotism, bribery, and misuse of official positions and resources" in the country
According to Maria Burnett, the HRW principal researcher, any magniloquence on Court trending cases continually frustrates the political will in the fight corruption.
“Yes, the laws are there but do they serve the purpose?,” Ms Burnett noted, “They have only been successful in netting the small fish while creating reality of untouchables.”
The report, further, indicates that media attention often concentrates on the "big fish who got away" and any solutions proposed rely on essentially on "technical responses."
"Those responses overlook what, based on past actions, can be described as the government's deep-rooted lack of political will to address corruption at the highest levels and importantly, to set an example- starting from the top – that graft will not be tolerated.”
But the President’ Spokesperson, Tamale Mirundi, criticised the authors of the report saying, they only wanted to tarnish the name of the head of the state.
“Such a report cannot be  written by Angels so am not surprised by the allegations made,” he said, “The authors are funded by donor countries and any result must be in their appealing interest.
“In any democratic institution (like where the report authors come from) corruption is fought by state institutions which the President has ensured. What else do they want?”
The regime factor and politics of patronage
Ms Burnett said, while efforts to fight corruption are in place and promising, they often coincide with the interests of the government which is as old as 27 years now yet it also “inconceivable” that some officials can be sacked or tried.
Several bureaucrats whose names appeared somewhere on the corruption sheet continue to be appointed in public offices either as a sign of appreciation or loyalty to the regime.
"Members of his inner circle – from both military and cabinet – have been accused of theft and improper procurement of state resources by the media, civil society, the auditor general, and parliament," but are still in government.
As a result “Uganda is likely to become yet another model example of the so-called ‘resource curse' in Africa,” the report observes.
Mr Mirundi, noted that government cannot be blamed because it has remained and continues to ensure the same discipline as was exhibited in the Bush war.
“Why didn’t they talk about the President’ relatives like Sam Kuteesa or Alice Kaboyo who respectively tried and even jailed over corruption?
A similar report released by Transparency International in July this year, equally painted a grim picture that corruption grown steadily, putting Uganda amongst the 17 most corrupt countries in the world.
Early this month, The Economist, a British news magazine, observed:” Mr Museveni is virtually the only decision-maker in the government. Almost nothing gets done without his nod.”
The article titled, ‘A leader who cannot bear to retire’, maintained: “But while the president’s signature on a policy paper is necessary, it is not sufficient to move the sluggish state machine into action. Plenty of officials have their own agendas and exploit the president’s remoteness. They undermine or obstruct initiatives blessed by him if they can do it undetected and make some money.”
This to Mr Mirundi, “is subjective and an avenue by the donor community to discredit government.”
Paul Mwiru, the deputy chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee in Parliament, informed that, corruption is an ideology of the NRM and cannot be easily fought with Museveni in power.
“As head of the executive just recently have given him several recommendations on officials like Pius Bigirimana [OPM scandal], Stephen Kagoda [Internal Affairs] and Asuman Lukwago [Health] which all have been overlooked. If he cannot take action then he is the problem.”
Shorting comings in laws and implementation
The HRW report lauds Uganda’ measures on taming the “wide spread” corruption as being robust, but notes that both the laws and implementers (Courts, Police) often suffer setbacks from the government itself.
Ms Burnett said, the findings were based on interviews with several officials in the judiciary as well analysis of about 100 cases at the Anti-Corruption Court, which has since been halted.
"In some Anti-Corruption Court cases involving well-connected individuals, senior officials have directed prosecutors to delay prosecution or prematurely try a case with incomplete or weak evidence.
While the Auditor General has been year after another, unceasingly uncovering the gross misuse of public office and resources swept under the carpets; other state anti-graft bodies like the Inspectorate of Government and Police often take less actions as recommended by the former.
"Investigators, prosecutors, and witnesses involved in such cases have been the targets of threats and requests for bribes, the report adds, but, “In some Anti-Corruption Court cases involving well-connected individuals, senior officials have directed prosecutors to delay prosecution or prematurely try a case with incomplete or weak evidence. Investigators, prosecutors, and witnesses involved in such cases have been the targets of threats and requests for bribes."
Anti-corruption crusader, Bishop Zac Niringiye, concurs that, “this points to the fact that Mr Museveni is the source of the problem.”
“We are having a Political form of corruption which is extremely dangerous, and straight from the top head,” he notes, “It is no longer a secret, and that explains why action cannot be taken against certain officials.”
Mr Mirundi, however, said the President cannot be the problem because his work is to ensure prevalence of institutions which he has done.
“Corruption prevails because the public doesn’t hold leaders accountable yet even (you) the media are not credible in reporting the issues,” he stressed, “How many times has the President blocked the Courts from sitting or ordered that his henchmen be left freely?”
The Big scandal syndrome
Bishop Niringiye is also of the view that, “We should even be more worried since every scandal involving loss of large sums of money has our President mentioned somewhere in between the lines.”
Recently the President has been mentioned in corruption allegations, among others, the Shs130 billion Tullow Oil bribes; the Shs142 billion Bassajabala compensations; the Shs40 billion Dura cement saga, and Shs300National Identity card project.
Cissy Kagaba, of the Anti-Corruption Coalition, called this a “Big scandal theory where Mr Museveni’ name is cited in every deal relating to large amounts of money.”
“Why is it always him and the few he cannot punish?” Ms Kagaba contends, “We must rise up early enough to challenge this status quo because the system has cultivated itself as here to stay.”
She added, “Corruption is indeed a big problem and I agree with the report findings that the President is the biggest problem because he ideally runs everything straight from the markets.”
Side bar
Other issues raised by the report include, failure of the president and Parliament to empower key institutions, either by failing to fill key vacancies or by failing to establish institutions."
The continued occupancy of office by officials who have been implicated in corruption yet their underlings have either been prosecuted or jailed.
The lack of protection for prosecutors and witnesses which has resulted to focus on "low-level corruption involving small sums of money, while the 'big fish' have continued to accumulate wealth and power."